Child Marriage in Afar: Girls’ vulnerability and challenges in tackling the practice in conflict settings 

Author: Kulsma Nur


Extracted from the research project titled “War and Child Marriage: The Vulnerability of Girls to Child Marriage Due to War in Northern Ethiopia,” conducted under CARD’s Werdwet Research Fellowship.

The Conflict in Northern Ethiopia that erupted on November 4, 2020, between the Federal Government of Ethiopia and the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) followed rising political tensions between the two. Eight months into the war, the conflict spilled into the neighbouring Afar region when TPLF fighters mounted attacks into the region, and Afar forces as well as allied militias joined the fight. The two-year conflict which ended in November 2022 after the signing of the Pretoria Agreement (Cessation of Hostilities Agreement), has left a lasting mark on the communities it has impacted. Among the several challenges faced, the vulnerability of girls to child marriage stands out as one of the pressing concerns.

Child marriage is defined as any formal or informal union between a child under the age of 18 and an adult or another child. This practice violates fundamental rights enshrined in several human rights instruments including the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR), the Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC), and the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW). The FDRE constitution prohibits any harmful acts against children and women and requires marriage to be concluded based on the free and full consent of the future spouses. In addition, Ethiopia has criminalised child marriage under Article 648(a) of the 2005 FDRE Criminal Code

The war in Northern Ethiopia has adversely affected the enjoyment of children’s rights, particularly their right to education, and protection from violence. The conflict has also led to the destruction of school infrastructure, which has resulted in an estimated 2.8 million children missing out on education in 2021.

Photographer: Eduardo Soteras/AFP/Getty Images https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2022-09-29/ethiopia-s-civil-war-is-heating-up-once-again

While global trends indicate a decline in child marriage, Ethiopia is home to 15 million child brides. Recent research indicates that conflict and instability are significant catalyst of child marriage, with seven of the ten countries with the highest rates of female child marriage in 2017 are classified as fragile states. The top five countries being Niger (76%), the Central African Republic (68%), Chad (67%), Bangladesh (59%), Mali (52%), South Sudan (52%) and Mozambique (48%). Ethiopia has observed an increase in child marriage in areas hit by conflict and drought in 2022. According to estimates, for every year that the conflict lasted at its worst intensity, the rate of child marriage in Ethiopia may rise by 15%.

The prevalence in Ethiopia (40%) is slightly higher than the regional average for Eastern and Southern Africa (35%) and about twice the global average (21%). The prevalence of child marriage in Ethiopia has varied levels across regions. In Northern Ethiopia, particularly in the Afar region, child marriage emerges as a significant issue; with a staggering 67% prevalence among women aged 20-24 who were married before 18. Cultural norms, economic drivers, and displacement due to conflict intertwine, creating a complex web influencing attitudes toward the practice. The practice of child marriage has been deeply ingrained within cultural practices in the Afar region, with girls as young as 10 or 11 years old frequently being married off. Over two decades there had only been a 2 % decrease in the prevalence of child marriage in Afar region.   

In the Afar region, attitudes toward child marriage are influenced by a combination of cultural norms, expectations, and perceptions surrounding marriage and girlhood. Cultural traditions prioritize early marriage and childbearing for girls, creating barriers to their education and personal development. Some individuals see early marriage as a method to ensure girls’ sexual purity and shield them from premarital sex.

The perceived impacts of child marriage vary, with responses emphasizing limited practical, economic, or social benefits and framing the practice as primarily rooted in cultural traditions. In interviews conducted with members of the Afar society for the research project titled “War and Child Marriage: The Vulnerability of Girls to Child Marriage Due to War in Northern Ethiopia,” by this author, some participants justify child marriage as a preventive measure against unwanted pregnancies or due to certain religious beliefs. For instance, according to an interviewed father, if a girl is not married by the time she starts menstruating he will be punished in the afterlife the longer he keeps her in his house unmarried (Nur, 2023, pp. 98–100). 

While other participants in the study recognize negative consequences of child marriage, including physical and mental health issues, conflicts in marital relationships, and constraints on girls’ autonomy. Notably, fathers tend to emphasize advantages, while mothers and girls express concerns about the adverse consequences (Nur, 2023, p.97). Economic drivers of child marriage in Afar region are linked to poverty and economic hardship, as families may view it as a way to ease financial burdens and secure their daughters’ future. 

The persistence of child marriage in the community is not solely a result of cultural norms but also attributed to a lack of knowledge and awareness of laws prohibiting it. In the absence of understanding legal protections, the practice endures through reliance on cultural and religious practices to determine when a girl is ready for marriage. 

Humanitarian settings exacerbate these drivers as, during times of conflict and displacement, child marriage may be viewed as a strategy to protect daughters and ensure their survival in challenging circumstances. The research highlighted a concern on increased vulnerability of girls to child marriage since the conflict, driven by the desire to preserve bloodlines and ensure community continuity amid war-induced losses (Nur, 2023, p.122).

The impact of conflict, including displacement, social disruption, and economic hardship, has significantly increased the susceptibility of girls to child marriage. In addition, conflict induced displacement has dismantled the existing, albeit minimal protective systems, exposing girls to early marriage and various forms of exploitation (Nur, 2023, p.124). Families and communities, grappling with the consequences of conflict, tend to believe that early marriage provides protection to daughters, shielding them from harm, including rape and other safety issues. 

Furthermore, there are other underlying factors that indirectly play significant role in exposing girls to the practice of child marriage, such as disruption of access to education, one of the protective factors defending girls against child marriage, and a lack of awareness and access to protective organizations contribute to this increase. Many girls face barriers such as financial constraints and challenges in resettlement, preventing them from returning back to school. Furthermore, cultural norms and priorities sometimes dictate that girls must prioritize marriage over education, with parents and spouses exerting influence over girls’ educational pursuits. The lack of quality education in conflict-affected regions, compounded by limited economic opportunities, further perpetuates the cycle of child marriage (Nur, 2023, pp.124-126).

In addition to the breakdown of education systems, many respondents are unaware of the services provided by organizations and institutions working to prevent child marriage and even those who are aware may face challenges in accessing them. This exacerbates the vulnerability of girls to child marriage in conflict-affected areas.

Ethiopia has introduced several policies and strategies to end child marriage with the collaboration of several international, regional, and local NGOs. One of the most recent programs is the ‘End Child Marriage’: A flagship program 2020-2025 which was sponsored by UNFPA-UNICEF in Ethiopia by targeting several woredas in Afar. Amhara and Tigray region. The situation of conflict and drought in Ethiopia poses risk to the program. (UNICEF, 2023, p.83. 

The challenges for preventing and responding to child marriage in conflict settings are diverse and encompass several key dimensions. Firstly, limited access to conflict-affected areas poses a significant obstacle, impeding the reach of interventions and support services to those in need. 

Secondly, the scarcity of local organizations and international entities on the ground further hampers the effective prevention and response to child marriage practices. Thirdly, the prioritization of immediate life-saving interventions in conflict settings may divert attention and resources from addressing the root causes of child marriage. Additionally, funding constraints, resulting from high numbers of internally displaced persons and the impact of conflict, may undermine initiatives aimed at combating child marriage. 

The inter-mixing of displaced and local populations in conflict settings also contributes to the persistence of child marriage and complicates efforts to identify and reach those at risk. Moreover, the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic has intensified challenges in conflict settings, disrupting education, healthcare, and support services, thereby increasing the vulnerability of girls to child marriage.

Ending child marriage in conflict zones requires a multifaceted approach addressing cultural, economic, and social factors. Policies and interventions should prioritize child protection, address root causes like poverty and harmful traditions, and educate communities about the negative consequences. It is crucial to involve community and religious leaders in shifting attitudes and promoting alternative practices that prioritize girls’ well-being. Integrating women’s perspectives into cultural institutions is another way to ensure progress towards gender equality (Nur, 2023, pp. 131-135) 

Additionally, further research is needed to identify policy gaps, understand the role of tradition gatekeepers, and measure the impact of child marriage to create effective interventions and support affected families and children. 

Kulsma Nur

Kulsma Nur, a law graduate, is presently enrolled in the LL.M. Public International Law program at Addis Ababa University. With a professional background in journalism, research, and academia, her interests are in women’s rights issues, International Humanitarian Law (IHL), and politics. As a CARD Werdwet Research Fellow, she completed the research “War and Child Marriage: The Vulnerability of Girls to Child Marriage Due to War in Northern Ethiopia” which focused on the nexus between war and child marriage in the conflict affected Afar region. Additionally, she is a 2023 Mandela Washington Fellow. Email: Kulsmanur12@gmail.com

Inclusive National Dialogue and Accountability for sexual crimes are central to the path out of the current crises in Ethiopia

By: Dunia Mekonnen Tegegn

Image source:Eduardo Soteras/AFP via Getty Images

Due to the conflict in Ethiopia, women and girls continue to bear the brunt of the cruel and inhuman acts committed by all parties involved in the conflict for the last 16 months. Many have lost their lives, suffered sexual violence, displaced, and starved. Women living with disability, older women, and refugee women have been the target of brutal sexual violence. These crimes are horrific in nature as they represent the level of vengeance and humiliation pursued by actors in the conflict. Reports have highlighted the extent of these violations and implicated all sides to the conflict in war crimes and crimes against humanity.

In the Tigray region of Ethiopia, Ethiopia’s National Defense Force, Eritrean Defense Force as well as Amhara Special Force and its allied militia committed widespread sexual abuse against Tigrayan women. In the initial stages of the conflict, rape cases were reported in Mekele, Ayder, Adigrat, and Wukro hospitals of Tigray. Investigations on human rights in Tigray indicate that Tigrayan women were subjected to attempted rape, gang rape, oral and anal rape, and insertion of foreign objects into the vagina; in addition, they were subjected to ethnic slurs and degrading comments. They were also exposed to unwanted pregnancy and sexually transmitted diseases. Access to humanitarian aid including access to sexual and reproductive health services remains a challenge. Sexual violence was used as a weapon of war and as a deliberate strategy to terrorize, degrade and humiliate the victims. In the most hideous way, Eritrean women and girls fleeing persecution in Eritrea were raped by members of Eritrean Defense Forces and forces allied to the Tigray People Liberation Front in the Tigray region of Ethiopia where they sought refuge. To date, women who were impacted by the conflict continue to be the subject of abduction while on the move.

The number of women who are subjected to sexual violence augmented when the conflict expanded its horizon to the Amhara and Afar regions of Ethiopia. In these two regions, Tigrayan forces committed widespread sexual violence against Amhara and Afari women and girls. In Nifas Mewcha, vicinity of the Amhara region of Ethiopia, women were raped for a nine-day period. Women were subjected to gang rape including in front of their children, physically assaulted, called names and degraded with ethnic slurs, impregnated by their rapists, and suffered mental health problems including anxiety and depression. They were also robbed and deprived of their source of income. Women were unable to access comprehensive post-rape care, including emergency contraception, post-emergency prophylaxis for HIV and sexually transmitted infections. In these two regions, Tigray Defense Forces used sexual violence to demoralize, dehumanize and punish communities. Sexual violence was used in a more premeditated and organized manner arbitrarily but also selectively for combat purposes.

Due to the nature of this crime, the tendency of survivors coming forward with what happened to them in the current context of Ethiopia is limited. There is a likelihood of under-reporting because of the nature of the Ethiopian polity where patriarchy is the dominant view.

Violations of Women’s Human Rights 

Conflicts exacerbate deep-rooted inequalities in any country. The gender discrimination women and girls are subjected to in a society amplifies their victimization during the conflict. Outside conflict, women in Ethiopia faced gender-based violence including marital rape and other evolving forms of violence such as acid attacks, gang rape, and abduction. In Ethiopia, the male is the acknowledged master of his family. Marriage is viewed as a means of strengthening the link between families and ethnic groups. Thus, the role of women in society is that of cementing family ties through bride-wealth and producing children. The cultural perception of women as the property of men has led to a situation where all actors in the conflict used rape as a weapon.

Ethiopia’s constitution provides full and equal dignity for women under articles 25 and 35. Ethiopia’s revised criminal code also provides explicit prohibition of violence against women and girls including rape.  All members of the African Union including Ethiopia are bound to respect the rights protected under the African Charter on Human and People’s Rights. Article 5 of the African Charter prohibits all forms of exploitation and degradation including, slavery, slave trade, torture, cruel, inhuman, or degrading punishment and treatment. Interpretations provided by the African Commission on Human and People’s Rights have directly referred to the application of Article 5 not only to physical and psychological harm but also to the protection of women from sexual violence during armed conflict. As a result of the conflict, Ethiopian women and girls were deprived of the protection they are bestowed with.

It is important to understand that sexual violence is not and should not be considered as an unavoidable outcome of any conflict. It is a crime that is preventable and punishable under International Human Rights Law, International Criminal Law, and International Humanitarian Law. Ethiopia is a party to the Convention on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW). Article 1 of CEDAW defines discrimination against women to include gender-based violence which is violence directed against a woman because she is a woman, or because it affects women excessively. In the context of this definition, rape during conflict is discrimination against women directed at them because of their gender.

CEDAW does not allow States to derogate from Convention obligations during periods of conflict or public emergency. State obligations linger during such periods, including due diligence obligations to prevent, investigate, punish and ensure remedy. Under the convention, state parties are also required to control the activities of domestic non-State actors within their jurisdiction. States also have an obligation to regulate non-State actors under the duty to protect, so they exercise due diligence to prevent, investigate, punish and ensure reparation for the acts of non-state actors. By depriving women of these protections, all actors in the conflict: Ethiopia’s Defense Forces, Eritrean Defense Forces, Tigray People Liberation Front, and allied militia, and Amhara Defense Forces and allied militia committed war crimes. In elaborating on article 2 of CEDAW, General Comment 30 clarifies the application of the Convention to situations of armed conflict including complex peacebuilding and post-conflict reconstruction processes. It outlines the content of the obligations assumed by state parties and further highlights the obligations of non-State actors such as the Tigray People Liberation Front and allied militia and that of Amhara Defense Forces and allied militia. Although these actors cannot become parties to women’s rights instruments in general, in the context they exist in Ethiopia, they have an identifiable political structure and exercised significant control over territory and population during the conflict. Hence,  they are indebted to respect international human rights laws.

On top of the obligations discussed above,  as far as article 12 of CEDAW on adequate standard of living is concerned, General Comment 30 of CEDAW states that state parties have an obligation to ensure psychosocial support; family planning services, including emergency contraception; maternal health services, including antenatal care, skilled delivery services, prevention of vertical transmission and emergency obstetric care; safe abortion services; post-abortion care; prevention and treatment of HIV/AIDS and other sexually transmitted infections, post-exposure prophylaxis including care to treat injuries such as fistula. Under the International Covenant on Economic Social and Cultural Rights (ICESCR), which Ethiopia ratified in 1993, pregnant women have the right to health and essential health services that are free when necessary as part of their right to the highest attainable standard of health. The documented limitations on access to essential health care services in conflict-affected regions of Ethiopia are tantamount to violation of both the CEDAW and the ICESCR.

The Protocol to the African Charter on Human and People’s Rights on the Rights of Women in Africa (The Maputo Protocol) which was ratified by Ethiopia on July 18, 2018, elaborates on the right of women to security. The Maputo Protocol protects women from the violation of their human rights both during peacetimes and conflict times. The protocol also calls on states to protect women seeking asylum and refugee status in their territory. In the context of the conflict in Ethiopia, Eritrean refugee women’s right was violated when members of Eritrea’s Defense Force and Tigray Defense force subjected them to sexual violence.

Article 11(2) of the Maputo Protocol further underlines that women in whatever ethnic group they belong to in a conflict should be provided civilian protection. In utter disregard of this, women belonging to diverse ethnic groups: Tigray, Amhara, Afar were subjected to sexual violence. Ethiopian National Defense Force, Eritrean National Defense Force, Tigray People Liberation Front, allied militia, and Amhara Defense Force and allied militia violated the right of each individual woman to be recognized as a civilian and be provided with such protection.

Impacts of the conflict on women and girls

In addition to the widely reported sexual violence, restricted humanitarian aid, food, access to the internet particularly in Tigray negatively impacted survivors of sexual violence. The lack of medical supplies and trauma kits further characterizes the dire situation in all regions the conflict took place. As investigations indicate, in all places the conflict took place, women who were raped were physically abused and experienced mental health problems. A significant number of girls were also forced to leave their schools early. Access to lifesaving aid including treatment for HIV and STD transmission, contraception, post-exposure prophylaxis as well as psychosocial programs continue to be limited in Tigray. These problems spread widely to the Afar and Amhara regions of Ethiopia after the conflict expanded its reach to these places. Women’s livelihood and sources of income were highly impacted due to the conflict as many women were forced to abandon them.

Researches discussing justice for women impacted by conflicts underline that women who survive rape experience trauma and are usually stigmatized by their own communities. As a result, many women could be reluctant to report rape. Limited safe spaces for women and girls also added misery to the negative experience women and girls had to go through as a result of the conflict. 

A significant number of Tigrayan women who were subjected to sexual violence fled to Sudan, where the conditions of women particularly in Darfur, the Nuba Mountains, and along the Blue Nile are still impacted by the prolonged civil war and ongoing governance challenges. An increase in the number of women who migrated to neighboring countries including Sudan was documented after the conflict expanded its reach to Amhara and Afar.

Calls to actions

As it stands now, Ethiopia’s priority should be its people, the majority of whom are women and girls. The plight of women and girls can only be addressed through broader efforts including effective law enforcement, swift corrective and accountability measures, and a sit down with all concerned actors. It is also important that Ethiopia’s post-conflict justice priorities for women and girls focus not only on civil and political rights but also on economic, social, and cultural rights. 

In the short run, the following critical actions need to be taken

  1. End the pain and suffering of women, and girls through pledging for unconditional ceasefire, and arms embargo; design effective disarmament, demobilization and reintegration processes and ban arms proliferation in the different regions of Ethiopia;  
  2. Take appropriate legal and institutional measures to protect women and girls at risk of sexual violence, including internally displaced and refugee women belonging to affected  ethnic groups;
  3. Take appropriate legal, institutional, and financial measures to ensure the provision of comprehensive services for survivors of sexual violence including but not limited to medical, psychological, and social services necessary for their rehabilitation and reintegration with their community;
  4. Establish multipurpose community centers that link immediate assistance to economic and social empowerment and reintegration, and mobile clinics in places where the conflict ensued;
  5. Mitigate the costs of the war on women and girls through collaboration with civil society.
  6. Avail women’s rights defenders and experts working with survivors of sexual violence with counseling sevices and on job trainings to help them cope with stress and trauma. 

In the long run, the following actions need urgent attention

  1. Collaborate with local and international fact-finding missions to ensure that all perpetrators of sexual and other violence against women during the conflict are properly identified and prosecuted;
  2. Build the capacity of the judiciary in Ethiopia including in the context of transitional justice mechanisms, to ensure its independence, impartiality and integrity including through technical cooperation with experts in the area. If and when possible, constitute a separate adhoc commission that can adjudicate cases of sexual violence, and design non-judicial remedies such as truth commissions and reparations;
  3. Protect women’s rights defenders from State or non-State attacks that undermine their equal and meaningful participation in political and public space;
  4. Ensure that legislative, executive, administrative and other regulatory instruments do not restrict women’s participation in the prevention, management and resolution of the conflict. Increase the number of women commissioners under the newly established Commission for  National Dialogue;
  5. Promote inclusion and transparency under the National Dialogue Commission. Constitute an advisory committee for the the newly established Commission for  National Dialogue and include survivors of sexual violence in the discussions;
  6. Plan specific interventions to contribute to opportunities for women’s economic empowerment including through promoting their right to education.  

Dunia Mekonnen Tegegn is a Human Rights Lawyer and Gender Equality Advocate.She has previously worked as a Human Rights Officer in Addis Ababa in the Africa branch of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights. She also worked as a Program Officer on Ending Violence against Women and Girls at UN Women and as an Alternative Care Expert with UNICEF. Dunia holds a Master of Laws in National Security from Georgetown University Law Center and is a member of the Pan African Lawyers Union (PALU), the Ethiopian Bar Association, and the Ethiopian American Bar Association in Washington DC.